U.S.
Chris Neal / The Topeka Capital-Journal / AP

The partisan strategy of voter suppression

Republicans respond to a changing electorate with greater obstacles to voting

This is part two of a three-part series explaining why conservatives are pushing more restrictive voting laws and how such efforts disenfranchise minority voters. Part one looks at the myth of rampant in-person voting fraud.

Over the last five years, perhaps no elected official in the country has been more aggressive in placing limits on voting and registration than Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach.

He authored a provision that created a two-tiered voting system under which some Kansans could cast a ballot for their president but not their governor or any other statewide official. On Jan. 15 a Kansas district court judge struck down the measure, calling it a violation of the state’s constitution and sharply rebuked Kobach, writing, “No such authority exists at all … to encumber the voting process as he has done here.” His proposal requiring Kansans to show proof of citizenship to register to vote and a photo ID to cast a ballot became law in 2011. Within a year, Kobach, a former chairman of the Kansas Republican Party, persuaded 14 other mostly Republican states to participate in a voter registration database, Interstate Crosscheck — created, administered and funded by his office — to purge voter rolls of people registered in multiple states. The program’s data analysis, however, has been reported to disproportionately flag legitimate minority voters who simply have first and last names in common.

Kobach instituted the two-tiered voting system (in which Kansans who had submitted only a federal voter registration form, which requires just an affidavit of citizenship, were barred from voting in any statewide races) ahead of the 2014 elections. In 2015, after much lobbying, Gov. Sam Brownback granted the Kansas secretary of state the authority to prosecute voter fraud cases, making Kobach the only secretary of state in the nation with such power. In an op-ed last summer Kobach proudly wrote that Kansas had “the strongest protections in the country against voter fraud,” which he claimed occurs with “alarming regularity,” despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary. The secretary of state’s office declined to respond to an interview request.

While Kobach may be one of the most visible proponents of more restrictive voting laws, his work is indicative of a broader strategy by Republicans across the country to make it more difficult to vote by passing legislation in the name of combating voter fraud. Critics of these laws say they are partisan attempts to blunt the power of a changing electorate that includes more African-Americans, Latinos and other minorities — groups that tend to vote Democratic.

“Moments of extraordinary progress are often followed by moments of extraordinary backlash,” said Ari Berman, a journalist and the author of “Give Us the Ballot.” Noting the record number of African-Americans and Latinos who turned out to elect Barack Obama president, he said, “We had in 2008 a moment of extraordinary progress … from the standpoint of civil rights and voting rights. That was followed by an extraordinary backlash. Instead of reaching out to these new constituencies … Republicans in states all across the country decided that they were going to make it harder for them to vote.” 

Neda Djavaherian

A 2014 report by the Brennan Center for Justice found, “Of the 11 states with the highest African-American turnout in 2008, seven have new [voting] restrictions in place. Of the 12 states with the largest Hispanic population growth between 2000 and 2010, nine passed laws making it harder to vote.”

“Because voting is a fundamental right you want to make sure you don’t burden that right unless there is a strong reason to do so,” said Nina Perales, a voting rights expert and vice president of litigation at the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund. Perales, who worked to overturn a provision of Arizona law that required proof of citizenship to vote in federal elections found, “very, very, very few people — a tiny handful — who were not citizens had ever registered to vote in Arizona.” Noting that only nine out of 2.7 million ballots cast in the state between 2005 and 2007 were by noncitizens, Perales contrasted that with the much larger number of people the law turned away. “In the Arizona case,” she said, “31,000 people whose registrations were rejected for lack of citizenship proof received a letter asking for more documentation. Only about one third of them went ahead and sent in the material that they needed to get on the voter roll. The other two thirds just fell away.”

Voter registration rolls themselves are notoriously incomplete and out of date. A 2012 report by the nonpartisan Pew Charitable Trusts found that 24 million (one out of eight) voter registrations in the country are invalid or inaccurate. In response, Pew Charitable Trusts, in partnership with a number of states, created the Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC), which features a robust data collection and analysis system with a very high rate of accuracy. It allows states to efficiently remove ineligible voters from their rolls yet also identify and engage the estimated 51 million eligible Americans who aren’t registered to vote.

As many as 20 Republican-controlled states, however, have been purging their voter rolls using data from Kobach’s Interstate Crosscheck program. Provided free of charge to states, the program relies heavily on first and last name matches to the exclusion of more precise identification. As a result Crosscheck mistakenly flags high numbers of African-American, Latino and Asian citizens — groups for which identical first and last names are common — as being ineligible, according to documents obtained in an Al Jazeera America investigation.

State election officials with experience using both ERIC and Crosscheck cite significant differences in the reliability of data. “We’re much more confident in that data from ERIC because the program uses very sophisticated matching criteria,” said Edgardo Cortés, Commissioner of the Virginia Department of Elections. “With Crosscheck we end up having to do a lot of additional internal analysis to narrow down the field because the initial match is a fairly broad. It’s a pretty substantial amount that we’re able to identify...as very unlikely matches.”

Lori Augino, director of elections for Washington state, shared similar concerns about the accuracy of Crosscheck data, which relies heavily on first and last name matches. “Crosscheck is a free program but you do have to spend a lot of your staff time vetting the information,” she said. “You may identify a potentially duplicate voter whose name is Pamela Smith because a Pamela Smith may also reside in another state. It’s a pretty common name. So you have to do some additional due diligence to determine if that’s truly the same voter. Those are steps that we don’t have to take with the ERIC program.”

As prevalent as attempts at limiting turnout may be, their critics see hope. “I don’t think that voter suppression is a sustainable long-term strategy,” said Berman. “There’s a very significant risk of alienating the fastest growing demographic groups in the country.”

The makeup of the nation’s voters is only becoming more diverse. In the 2012 presidential election, turnout among African-Americans surpassed that of white voters for the first time, according to an analysis by the Associated Press. A recent Pew Research Center survey found that a record 27.3 million Latinos will be eligible to vote in the November election. Among the 10 states with the highest percentage of eligible Latino voters, six of them are led by a Republican governor and/or legislature.

“These are attempts to nibble away at the electorate,” Perales said. “But the much larger issue is that of demographic change, and ultimately that’s not going to be stopped by a voter ID law.” 

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Places
Kansas
Topics
Immigration, Latino, Voting

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