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Iran's uranium-enrichment plant at Natanz has been a focus of international anxiety over Tehran's nuclear workVahid Salemi/AP
The last time President Hassan Rouhani was in charge of his country's nuclear dossier, Iran struggled to assemble 164 uranium-enrichment centrifuges. That was when Rouhani served as Tehran's chief nuclear negotiator between 2003 and 2005.
Today — despite a decade of sanctions and diplomatic pressure — Iran has more than 18,000 centrifuges. Even so, a nuclear-armed Iran is neither imminent nor inevitable.
Four issues are at the core of international concerns over Tehran's nuclear activities:
Concern 1: Uranium enrichment
Iran's enrichment process is based on using centrifugal force to purify the active isotope in natural uranium. Depending on the level of purity to which it is enriched, the resulting fissile material could either fuel nuclear reactors, be used medically or serve as bomb material. Iran has two main enrichment facilities and refines uranium to two levels. Less than 5 percent is used for reactors to create electricity, and 20 percent used in research reactors to produce medical isotopes.
The country has one nuclear power plant in Bushehr and one research reactor in Tehran. Given that fuel for Bushehr is provided by Russia and the fact that Iran has already enriched enough fuel for the Tehran research reactor, many suspect that Iran's enrichment activities may not have exclusively innocent goals. The absence of a viable economic rationale for domestic enrichment — and the scarcity of uranium in Iran — exacerbates suspicions.
But Iranian leaders contend that eventual expansion of the country's peaceful nuclear program necessitates indigenous nuclear fuel production. If Iran were denied access to nuclear fuel on which it was dependent, it would lose at least $200 million per year for each idled reactor. Iran's enrichment activities are monitored by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which also safeguards all the nuclear material in the country.
Iran's main enrichment facility is located in Natanz and houses around 15,000 centrifuges. The majority of centrifuges Iran has installed there are the so-called first generation IR-1s. These are based on a 1970's design and are prone to regular mechanical breakdowns. Consequently, Iran has been working on developing more advanced centrifuges.
According to the most recent report from the IAEA, Iran had 1,008 IR-2m installed by Aug. 28, 2013, and planned to install another 2,000 in the next few months. These machines are not yet enriching uranium, but are estimated to be at least three-times more efficient. Iran's second enrichment facility, Fordow, is located under a mountain near the holy city of Qom and is believed to be impervious to an Israeli airstrike. Iran has installed nearly 3,000 IR-1 machines there, but is currently operating only one-third of them.
Concern 2: Fissile material stockpile
Accumulation of enriched uranium in Iranian facilities is another source of concern, as such material could more rapidly be further refined to reach weapons-grade (above 80 percent). As of Aug. 28, 2013, Iran had 6,774 kilograms of 3.5 percent and 185 kilograms of 20 percent enriched uranium.
With further enrichment — if Iran expelled inspectors — that stockpile could be turned into material for five nuclear weapons in six months to a year. Iran's accumulation of uranium enriched to 20 percent is particularly worrisome, as that level of enrichment reduces by more than 90 percent the time it would take to turn natural uranium into bomb material.
Tehran, however, has thus far kept the size of its 20 percent stockpile below the red line set last year by Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which is around 250 kilograms (enough for one bomb if re-enriched). It has done this by oxidizing enriched uranium and converting it into fuel rods for reactors, a process that renders weaponization far more difficult.
Concern 3: Heavy-water reactor
Iran is constructing a heavy-water research reactor in the city of Arak. The reactor uses natural uranium as fuel, but once operational it will produce about 9 kilograms of plutonium every year, which is sufficient for 1.5 bombs. This can open a second path — followed by most nuclear proliferators — towards nuclear weapons.
Separating plutonium from a reactor's spent fuel rods, however, requires a reprocessing facility that Iran neither currently has, nor has demonstrated any intention of building. But this might not matter to Israel, which twice before has attacked suspected reactors in regional countries — in Iraq in 1981 and in Syria in 2007 — before their completion, since striking an operational reactor would prompt an environmental catastrophe.
Concern 4: Past activities
Iran's uranium enrichment program was born in secret through the acquisition of technical drawings, manufacturing instructions and samples of components for centrifuges from the father of Pakistan’s atomic bomb and infamous proliferator, AQ Khan.
Iran's construction of undeclared nuclear enrichment and heavy-water facilities was exposed in 2002 by an exiled opposition group, triggering an international crisis.
Nine years later, the IAEA also detailed charges that Tehran had before 2003 experimented with technologies critical for the development of nuclear warheads, warning that some such research work may still be ongoing.
While the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) entitles Iran to enrich and stockpile uranium and construct a heavy-water reactor for civilian purposes, at issue is whether Tehran is in compliance with all its responsibilities under Article II of the treaty, which requires to refrain from seeking, or receiving any assistance in, the manufacture of nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.
Six U.N. Security Council resolutions have demanded that Iran suspend these activities until international confidence is restored in the purely peaceful nature of its program, and a decade of negotiations between Iran and Western powers has thus far failed to resolve the nuclear standoff. So how close is Iran to being able to build nuclear weapons — assuming that is its intention?
Guessing Iran's timeline for attaining nuclear-weapons status has been a popular pastime of analysts, pundits and politicians for almost two decades. But most of these estimates are based on misplaced alarmism, for three main reasons:
Reason 1: International inspections
No state has built nuclear weapons while under scrutiny of in-country IAEA inspectors. In fact, out of the five countries that developed nuclear weapons in the past four decades, four (Pakistan, India, South Africa and Israel) were not signatories of the NPT and therefore were never under IAEA inspection, while North Korea had expelled the inspectors before testing its nuclear device.
IAEA inspectors visit Iran's nuclear facilities on an almost weekly basis. And time favours the inspectors. Alarmist warnings about Iran reaching "breakout capability — the ability to process low-enriched uranium into weapons grade fissile material — omits the simple fact that if Iran decided to produce weapons-grade uranium, it would have to reconfigure its centrifuge cascades.
That process usually takes between one to two weeks, and will undoubtedly be detected by the IAEA. It is extremely unlikely that Iran could even buy time by delaying the inspectors visit based on fabricated pretexts, given that such action is likely to prompt aninternational opprobrium and even serve as a casus belli.
Iran can’t begin producing bomb material without triggering an trip wire that would give the international community several weeks to react before it had created fissile material for a single bomb; and turning such material into a deliverable warhead would take would take at least a year.
Reason 2: The cost-benefit rationale
A country reaches the military nuclear threshold when it possesses the capacity to manufacture one or more nuclear weapons within weeks. But it defies strategic logic for a country to accept risks of a military confrontation with more powerful adversaries simply in order to develop a single crude nuclear device.
To acquire real nuclear deterrence, Iran would need a deployable nuclear arsenal, not just enough material for one bomb. It would need to test a nuclear device and marry it with an appropriate delivery vehicle. And it is nearly impossible that Iran could reach such a capability in less than a year, without being detected and stopped by the U.S. or Israel.
All previous Iranian efforts to conceal nuclear activities were exposed in their nascent stages. Likewise, it is useful to remember than given America's significant standing capabilities in the region, it would take less than 24 hours for the U.S. to launch military strikes in response to any such Iranian undertaking.
To acquire real nuclear deterrence, Iran would need a deployable nuclear arsenal, not just enough material for one bomb
Reason 3: The lack of a political decision
Iranian leaders have pledged to never make nuclear weapons, which they consider a violation of Islam. But more importantly, according to James Clapper, the Director of the U.S. National Intelligence, Iran’s leaders have not yet decided to build nuclear weapons. Both the U.S. and Israeli intelligence communities are reasonably confident of their ability to detect such a decision.
In contrast to lack of evidence of any political decision Iran to cross the Nuclear Rubicon, the Iranian government has provided plenty of evidence that it wants a nuclear deal. Besides verbal declarations by its leadership, a number of Iranian decisions in managing nuclear work have been read as signalling a desire to avoid provoking confrontation. For example, Tehran has converted approximately 60 percent of its 20 percent enriched uranium stockpile to uranium oxide, which is less prone to proliferation as its further enrichment requires weeks of chemical processing detectable by the IAEA.
Tehran could also double its enrichment at Fordow by turning on nearly 2,000 centrifuges that it has installed at the facility, but which are not yet operating. The same applies to the IR-2m machines. Iran has also delayed the previously announced completion date (the first quarter of 2014) of the Arak reactor.
Analysts see these moves as signs that Tehran is preparing bargaining chips to negotiate relief from the Western sanctions that have debilitated its economy. As DNI Clapper has assessed, "Iran's nuclear decision-making is guided by a cost-benefit approach, which offers the international community opportunities to influence Tehran."
With 17 declared nuclear facilities and nearly five-decades in the making, Iran's nuclear program is quite extensive. It has also been expensive given the cost of harsh sanctions that the program has incurred. Yet, it has also become a point of national pride as Iran has developed indigenous nuclear know-how.
That fact alone means that Iran’s nuclear program cannot be wished away or bombed away. U.S. military and intelligence chiefs have made clear that the only sustainable solution is one in which Tehran chooses to refrain from building nuclear weapons, under an accord that thickens the barrier between civilian and military nuclear activity in Iran. Such an accord would limit the scale and scope of Iran's nuclear work, enhance the IAEA's monitoring capabilities, and allow Iran to re-join the international community.
Ali Vaez is the senior Iran analyst at the International Crisis Group, having previously headed the Iran project of the Federation of American Scientists in Washington, D.C., focusing on Iran’s nuclear and missile programs.